The Scythians move through the north and south Caucasus, pushing to the borders of the ancient Near East.
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The Scythians move through the north and south Caucasus, pushing to the borders of the ancient Near East.
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They were a people of the mountains. Living in the high elevation, they herded animals and planted what crops they could. The winters were brutal. Snow packed in the valleys while famine reared its head. Some enterprising individuals attempted to aid the village, trading in lands far to the south, places that were warm and fertile. And yet, despite all of the challenges, one could make a living here. One could survive.
For years, Azo and his family maintained a somber but stalwart watch over the northern horizons. Generations ago, a great marauding people had entered Azo’s valley. They were like a torrent of horses, a sea of mobile cavalry that devastated the land. According to legends, the village had been completely burnt, the animals stolen, and the people sundered. Slowly, they returned; in due time, they recovered, and soon after, the village established fortifications. A watch tower loomed on a small hill, overlooking a mountain pass that trailed northward.
A century or so had passed since those dark days, but terrifying words had reached Azo. A messenger from a nearby village had arrived a day ago. The man was haggard and his eyes glazed over in agony and terror. His words were rushed and unclear, at first. But slowly, people began to understand.
Over a small campfire in the middle of the village, the messenger warned the people of this mountain village of their impending doom. A great clan of horse riders was marching south. Whoever these people were, they were led by a charismatic and powerful chieftain. This leader boasted hundreds of warriors, all of whom were geared in great metals. Once again, the steppe nomads had arrived into the Caucasus.
Azo, like the rest of the village, moved quickly after. He loaded up supplies onto an old ox. He rallied forth a number of the village men into a small militia. He hugged his son, a boy around five years old, and then Azo turned to his wife. He embraced her and whispered to her, urging her to take their son south. Across the village, the sounds of fear, anger, and regret poured through and into the mountain valley.
Later that evening, many of the villagers retreated. A caravan of oxen and scraggly horses moved sluggishly. They would cross through the Armenian highlands and hopefully find refuge elsewhere, perhaps even among the great kingdoms of the south. That, at least, was Azo’s hope.
A few days passed, and Azo and his men had armed themselves as best as they could. They stood in formation, walled inside their village and the scant fortifications they had established. A scout ran to Azo, breathing hard and fast. The words, however, were clear. A Scythian warband had been spotted. They were only a few hours march away now. Azo turned to his men and nodded. He silently prayed to his gods.
There was no stopping the enemy. The Scythians had arrived.
And welcome back to the Nomads and Empires podcast, episode 20! Last time, we explored the entirety of Scythian migration movements as different bands moved westward from the Sayan-Altai region. In that episode, we started by exploring several origin myths, tracing the Scythian lineage to figures like Targitaos and Herakles. From there, we traced the Scythian origin to the Minusink basin and then analyzed the different migratory groups in Central Asia, the southern Ural region, the Pontic steppe, and beyond. By the 8th century BCE, Scythian groups stretched across the wide steppe.
On today’s episode, we’re going to focus on one particular Scythian band. Or rather, it may be better to consider this a migratory movement. Whatever the case, these Scythians would play an instrumental role in ancient history, gaining an almost international notoriety. Like their Kimmerian predecessors, these Scythians would become major actors in the world of the ancient Near East, converging with the histories of Assyria, Babylon, and Israel. Today, we’ll examine the Scythian groups that crossed the Caucasus, the very peoples who will later initiate a supposedly 28-year long reign of political dominance over the lands of the settled. But before we dive fully into this movement, let’s first start by addressing some context.
As we discussed in the last episode, Scythian bands had already made their way into the Pontic and north Caucasus region by the middle of the seventh century BCE. Prior to this movement, the north Caucasus were inhabited by a diverse array of cultural groups. These included the Koban culture, which thrived in the areas around the Stavropol plateau of southern Russia, and the Colchis culture of western Georgia. The Koban culture was defined by their bronze metalworking, and many uncovered tombs were found with jewelry and weapons. We are, evidently, dealing with a fairly sophisticated culture with a tradition of metalworking.
The peoples here were sedentary, building villages that utilized natural features, like cliffs and ravines, as defensive positions. Villages could typically be found in small groupings. These individuals participated in a number of agro-economic activities, including fishing, cattle raising, and farming. Commonly domesticated animals included pigs, goats, and sheep. It should be stated that despite this idyllic agrarian imagery, the north Caucasus people were quite sophisticated. Archaeologists have uncovered large, symmetrical “superstructures” that would have required significant amounts of labor and architectural planning.
As we also briefly touched on, the Koban culture is especially marked by their metalworking. Bronze was a particularly important metal that was used in all sorts of crafts. Bronze axes and daggers were especially common. Metal crafts were also included in jewelry and pottery vessels. It is even hypothesized that bronze played a role as a proto-currency in the north Caucasus due to its significance. These defining characteristics of the Koban culture would begin to change around the seventh century BCE with the migration of the Scythians.
Let’s shift our perspective back to the Scythians. It is probable that Scythians entered the north Caucasus after pushing into the Volga and Pontic steppes. The north Caucasus is quite an attractive area for steppe nomads. Much of the region is defined by lucrative grasslands that, as one moves southward, transitions into forests at the base of the Caucasus. The central area, known as the Stavropol plateau, splits this region in half, with western and eastern divisions. The western area is considered to be ecologically similar to the Pontic steppe, while the eastern area appears to be more akin to the Central Asian steppe. Due to lower humidity levels, some parts of this eastern half are considered semi-desert rather than steppe or forest. In general, the presence of lakes and flowing rivers in these areas, such as the Kuban and Terek, would further increase the habitability of the north Caucasus. These conditions meant that the region was conducive for both nomadic pastoralism and settled agriculture, an important point for our discussion on the Scythians.
In fact, prior to the Scythians, nomadic pastoralism had actually flourished between the fourth and second millennia BCE. Prehistoric cultures like the Maikop and Yamnaya raised sheep, goats, and cattle throughout the north Caucasus. Interestingly, nomadic pastoralism seems to have declined between the 1700s-1000s BCE due to increased aridity. The timing here would allow for a settled culture, that being the Koban, to take root and thrive. An increased resurgence of dairy production hints that pastoralism would return sometime in the first millennia BCE. It should be noted that the resurgence of animal husbandry and dairy production may not solely come from nomadic steppe peoples; the Koban culture, as we previously noted, had also based their economy on animals like goats and sheep. What is interesting here is that unlike previous eras of animal pastoralism, we begin to see large amounts of horse milking in the north Caucasus. Such developments would track with an increased presence of steppe nomads with a horse-based economic structure in the region; that is to say, we may be able to attribute this agro-economic development to the Kimmerians and the Scythians.
Like much of early Scythian history, we aren’t given specific reasons or direct events that explain Scythian migration into the north Caucasus. Herodotus asserts that the movement was in response to Kimmerian migrations. The Scythians, in this case, were chasing the remnant Kimmerians, and would cross rivers and mountains to accomplish such.
As we’ve discussed previously, this connection feels spurious at best. Instead, we can speculate that the reasons for such movements may be similar to what we saw in the Central and Pontic steppes. Population pressures in other areas may have pushed some communities outward as resources grew scarce. Ambitious individuals may have sought adventurism to secure their own pastures. The reasons could be many, fluid, and unclear. It is likely that initial contacts between the Scythian and Koban peoples may have consisted of small-scale raids and trade opportunities. Over time, these limited interactions may have escalated into wider conflicts and large-scale population movements.
Interestingly, the movement of Scythians into the north Caucasus appears to have correlated with a movement of Caucasians out of the mountains. Between around 900-750 BCE, Koban cultural influences could be detected in the Pontic steppe and even as far west as Central Europe. The presence of Koban-style mace heads and daggers in these areas may imply that some individuals fled westward to escape the Scythians. That said, the presence of these Caucasian artifacts on the steppes of Ukraine may instead be signs of trade rather than of population movement. Again, we may be dealing with a myriad of reasons for these sorts of developments.
Regardless, the Scythians would soon supplant the native Caucasians as members of a ruling military aristocracy. Burial analysis demonstrates that males were split between several axes: those who were warriors, those who were mounted warriors, and those who weren’t warriors at all. Some burials contained more weapons than could possibly be used by a single person, hinting at further social stratification based on martial ability. Like other Scythian burials, we also find horse gear and horse sacrifices in many graves dated to the Caucasian Iron Age.
As the Scythians entered into th e north Caucasus around the eighth and seventh centuries BCE, we start to see cultural impact on the Koban themselves. The most striking change comes in the form of metallurgy. Bronze had been a defining characteristic of the Koban; the arrival of Scythian bands coincided with the Caucasian Iron Age. Iron weapons, such as axes, daggers, lances, and knives have been found throughout the region, and there does appear to be a correlation between iron metalworking and the Scythian arrival.
Beyond weapons, we can find curious ramifications in Koban burial clothing. Before the Scythian arrival, Koban men and women were buried in ways that highlighted their social standing and even regional affinity. A woman buried near the Caspian Sea would have been clothed differently from one near the Black Sea. The arrival of the Scythians, though increasing social stratification in some ways, appears to have correlated with more egalitarian burial practices for the Koban people. For both men and women, burials of the Iron Age appear to have little regional differentiation. Instead, burials were marked by wealth, with some female tombs now showing a greater amount of jewelry, ornaments, and textiles.
Indeed, the burials of the Scythian elite were defined by a high level of richness. Kurgans in Kelermes and Krasnoye Znamya are especially noted for their treasures. In Kelermes, for example, archaeologists have uncovered golden objects such as cups and sword sheaths. Nearby, in the Ulski kurgans, scholars have uncovered pottery that likely originated from the Greeks. Objects from across the known world could be found in the north Caucasus, including those from Assyria, Greece, Media, and the Achaemenid Persians. In several cases, we even find objects displaying the typical Scytho-Siberian artstyle, and yet also strongly influenced by Assyrian and Babylonian artistic motifs.
Let’s take a step back and examine the Scythian presence holistically. By the seventh century BCE, Scythian bands entered the north Caucasus and supplanted local leaders there. These Scythians likely established a military aristocracy over local inhabitants. Culture changed, as ironmaking became more significant, and social structures deviated. Now firmly based in the north Caucasus, Scythian leaders would have had ample opportunities to raid and trade. It is likely these leaders directed raids southward into the lands of the ancient Near East. Warriors would return with tribute and treasure from places like Assyria and Media, and over time, the settled societies here would have sought diplomatic and mercantile relations with the Scythians. There is strong evidence that the Scythians here received horses from the Assyrians, for example.
Of course, not everyone benefited from these developments. The north Caucasus, though ecologically suitable for nomadic pastoralism, is a small region, and as populations grew over time, competition over resources would have once more occurred. As decades passed, some Scythian warriors would have gained greater awareness of what riches lay to their south. And so, as we’ve mentioned several times now on this show, it is probable that some independently-minded, ambitious leaders decided to press further to stake their own fortunes and destinies.
Some Scythians would move into the south Caucasus, the lands of modern-day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Scythian bands likely used mountain passes such as the Dariel Gorge, while many others probably fanned along the eastern end of the mountains, passing through the flat areas around modern-day Derbent. This eastern path is, in fact, the very route that Herodotus mentions in his own work. The presence of more Scythians south of the Caucasus would create a feedback loop, as more trade goods and loot flowed northward and incentivized additional migrations south.
In Azerbaijan, pioneering Scythians resided in the areas of modern Mingechaur, Korovograd, and Muganskaya. The Scythians would have found the area to be quite pleasant. The lands of Azerbaijan are filled with steppes and shrublands. Vast swathes of feather grasses sweep across the land, creating ample grazing grounds. In such times, animals like gazelles would have been abundant and allowed for a variety of socioeconomic activities, such as hunting. The local climate was also conducive for pastoralism, and much of the region has been used to raise animals such as sheep and goats. In later ages, the plains of Azerbaijan would act as an important holding for nomadic empires. Such groups could use Azerbaijan as a staging ground for incursions into the wider Middle East.
These factors likely played a key role in establishing a major Scythian presence here. Ancient authors like Xenophon will continually make reference to the Scythians here, and like later steppe polities, they would use this area as a base of operations for further activity into the ancient Near East. Some scholars even argue that the Scythians established a kingdom centered in Azerbaijan, a territory known as Sakosena or Skythenoi. More specifically, the scholar Solmaz Kashkay argues that this Scythian kingdom likely encompassed the lands of eastern Georgia and the Mingechaur region of Azerbaijan.
Supporting such claims, archaeologists have uncovered a number of Scythian artifacts in the region. In the Mingechaur region, ancient burials show a distinct split between those preexisting and those proceeding the Scythians. In these Scythian burials, scholars have uncovered horse gear, arrow heads, and pottery. The Malyi Kurgan reveals a whole trove of bronze items, including what may be a scabbard. Although the Scythian influence on the southern Caucasus is quite clear, we have evidence showing the inverse as well. Scythian warriors are believed to have adopted technologies developed by indigenous Georgian communities. For example, many Scythians would adopt the “three-edged bronze socketed arrowhead.”
Although we know a decent amount about tools and technology, we don’t really know much about the political structures that existed here in the southern Caucasus. It is evident from Assyrian sources that the Scythians here will eventually unify into a polity headed by a king, though we can’t say for sure if this monarch’s authority accounted for all of the southern Caucasus, or if this represented a single kingdom within a sea of others in the region. Like the Kimmerians, we cannot assume that all Scythians banded together into a single, central authority.
Whatever the case may be, it is clear that from their base in the southern Caucasus, the Scythians would slowly make their way closer to the settled populations of the ancient Near East. Looking at things holistically, we have the arrival of the Kimmerians in around the eighth century BCE, the movement of Scythian bands through the Caucasus throughout the seventh century BCE, and now, by the sixth century, we have Scythians within proximity of the great ancient Near Eastern powers.
Thinking back to episode 9, the Kimmerians were the first steppe nomads to operate in this region. In 714 BCE, the Kimmerians scored a crushing defeat against the Uratians, which in turn allowed the Assyrians of Sargon II to strike a near-killing blow. The Kimmerians were then able to position themselves in the highlands between the Assyrians and Uratians. The Scythians, through their central position in the Mingechaur region, and particularly in the areas near Lake Urmia, would instead face immediate contacts by the Manneans, the Medes, and the Uratians.
Here, we can imagine that the Scythians engaged in trade and raiding with their neighbors. Assyria, in particular, became a key state for the Scythians. In 679 BCE, the Assyrian king Esarhaddon was successful in defeating a Kimmerian raid led by a man named Teushpa. However, it was quite clear to Esarhaddon that Assyria faced many enemies in this time. We’ve talked about this prayer before, but I think it perfectly encapsulates the geopolitical situation Assyria faced at the time, and therefore demonstrates the political opportunity the Scythians were offered.
““O’ Shamash, great lord, whom I ask with true grace answer me! From this day, the third day of this month, Iyyar, to the eleventh month of Ab of this year, a period covering one hundred days and one hundred nights… In this time, will Kashtariti with his soldiers, or the soldiers of the [Kimmerians], or the soldiers of the Medes, or the soldiers of the Manni, or any enemy, as many as there are, have success with their plans? Will they either by overthrow or might, or by contest, battle, and war… seize the city of Kishassu?”
The Cambridge Ancient History notes that the Scythians had also joined in anti-Assyrian operations. The Scythians, led by a king named Ishpaka, raided Assyria in 676 BCE. This incident may be the earliest recorded incident mentioning the Scythians specifically. Here, the Scythians were dealt a devastating blow. As Esarhaddon himself recounts:
“I smote with the sword the armies of [Ishpaka], the Scythian - alliance [with the Manneans] did not save him.”
And yet, despite this incident, Esarhaddon understood a key principle. One’s enemy could one day become one’s friend. Beset by the Kimmerians, Urartians, and Manneans, Esarhaddon recognized that having an ally, a particularly mobile and martially-inclined one, could be advantageous. A man named Bartatu, perhaps a son of the deceased Ishpaka, would ascend to the kingship of the Scythians. In an unprecedented move, Bartatu would ask Esarhaddon for a marriage alliance, and in 674 BCE, Esarhaddon agreed. Bartatu was then wed to Esarhaddon’s daughter.
In one sense, the marriage alliance would provide the Scythians with security on their southern front. The Assyrians were the most dominant power in the area, and they had soundly defeated the Scythians. The alliance would allow the Scythians to engage in other theaters, to raid weaker opponents, without fear of an Assyrian offensive. At the same time, the fact that Bartatu asked for this marriage alliance implies that the Scythians still believed themselves to be a major power, powerful enough to make demands from the preeminent polity in the region. The marriage alliance also meant that Bartatu would take an oath of allegiance, effectively becoming a vassal of the Assyrians.
This relationship would prove fruitful for both parties, but at the time, we can imagine that both sides viewed one another with suspicion, and likely sought each other as tools to be utilized. Esarhaddon evidently felt this way. As recounted in an inscription, Esarhaddon wonders if: “Whether Bartatu will speak with him true words of peace”?
And with that question, Esarhaddon will set into motion a chain of events that would lead to a nearly three-decades long period of dominance by the Scythians. However, the road to that period will be long and tumultuous. For now, the Scythians stand firmly behind the Assyrians, and as a united pair, will take battle to the Urartians, the Manneans, and the Kimmerians.
Looking back on today’s episode, we explored the movement of Scythian groups across the Caucasus. Independent bands likely moved out of the Pontic region into the north Caucasus, and when resources became scarce, other groups pushed further south. Indigenous Caucasian peoples, such as the Koban culture, were likely subjugated by the Scythians. For a period of time, the Scythians became the dominant power of the Caucasus and established a major base of operations in modern Azerbaijan and western Georgia. In this position, the Scythians began to make overtures into the ancient Near East. We have accounts of raids, but also accounts of diplomacy, and by 674 BCE, the Scythians had made an important move: a marriage alliance with the Assyrians.
Will Esarhaddon’s fears prove to be nothing, or will the Scythians destroy the Assyrians from the inside? I think for now, I’ll leave us with that cliffhanger. Next time, we explore the Scythian presence in the ancient Near East.
And now, I just wanted to say a few words. I apologize again for not getting this episode out earlier, and indeed, I feel really bad for a month long gap. As I mentioned previously, I was at a work conference, visiting family, and then visiting my partner, and so I was out of my home and research materials for quite a while. I’m going to make a solid push on getting more episodes out on a regular basis in the fall, but the summer will be difficult for the time being. Thank you for your patience, and I promise to continue pushing out episodes when I can and at the quality I want.
I cannot thank each of you enough. As always, you can reach out to me at my email, nomadsandempires@gmail.com or on Twitter, @nomadempirespod. I have received a lot of great feedback and comments and corrections, and it is all thanks to you, my listeners!
Finally, be sure to check out the Turkish History Podcast. I’ve been listening to their work, and its a great compliment to the subjects we’re tackling. Thank you all again, and I’ll see you next time on the dusty sands of the ancient Near East.
Music: Anna Landstrom - Decision to Leave